Another Letter to Mr. Elie Wiesel

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Another Letter to Mr. Elie Wiesel

By : Fateh Azzam

[The following letter was written as response to Elie Wiesel and his decision to author and publish an advertisement in August 2014 which ran in the New York Times and other major medial outlets. The ad claimed that “Jews rejected child sacrifice 3,000 years ago. Now it’s Hamas’ turn.”]

Let me begin by saying that we have met, although you may not remember. In 1980, I was a young actor in a theatrical adaptation of your novel Dawn, produced by the Cambridge Ensemble of Cambridge, Mass., which opened in a small off-Broadway theater in New York City.  I played your character Gad, a Jewish terrorist charged with training Joshua, a young German-Jewish holocaust survivor, to fight the British in Palestine.  You attended the opening, we met, and you wanted to know how come I, a Palestinian Arab, would want to play the part of a Jewish fighter in Palestine.  The answer seemed simple to my youthful thinking at the time: that because I was Palestinian, I knew very well what oppression and dispossession meant, and felt that what motivated Gad was what was motivating the PLO in the 1970s. I understood him, I thought.  I don’t think you liked my answer very much.

I was naive to think that by simply stating in the program notes that I was Palestinian, the audience would somehow come to understand current events in 1980 the way I understood them then. I focused on the glimpses of humanity in Dawn: Joshua being heartsick about executing a captive soldier in cold blood, or conflicted about seeing the British “running like rabbits” under fire, just as he himself ran like a rabbit not long before.  I now see that I was wrong. The more important message of Dawn was what I, playing your character Gad, had to tell poor Joshua: that the days of being victims are over, that “we must be like everybody else.” 

I was fooled by your eloquence to believe that Dawn was about conflicted humanity. Rereading it now, it’s clearly much more an apologia for Israel, as have been most of your writings since. But I believed for a time that what happened in Palestine was the result of a European earthquake that sent a tsunami to our shores like a force of nature—but this time the worst of human nature. I blamed Nazi racism, not its victims. And, I wanted to understand how those victims could find it in themselves to drive me out of my home in Palestine—to become the oppressors.

I thought that by delving deeply into a “Jewish” experience, as Dawn purports to represent, I would begin to understand why Zionism has done what it has done to me and my family: the dispossession, the ethnic cleansing, our alienation from our land, our history, and now even our humanity. This alienation continues to this very day. I read your work and that of others, and yes, Mr. Wiesel, I went to Auschwitz too, and saw the crematoria, imagined the screams of men, women, and children in the “showers,” and shuddered and wept at the sight of the rolls of cloth made from human hair and the piles of prostheses, eyeglasses, and suitcases. I understood what “never again” means.  Never again should this be allowed to happen; never again should any human being be so dehumanized and brutalized.

I thought that you shared those same thoughts about humanity and suffering, but you clearly do not. You appear to still be trapped in a tribal paradigm motivated by the view that never again should this happen to Jews only.  This view insists that the Holocaust belongs to Jews alone and not to the black pages of all of humanity’s history. 

But what about a holocaust by installments, Mr. Wiesel, which is what the Palestinians have been experiencing since 1947? Can you not look beyond these tribal politics to feel for the uprooting of our people, the many documented massacres where nearly all the victims were families and innocent men, women, and children, from Deir Yassin to Kufr Qassem to Sabra and Shatila to Gaza? Isn’t this a holocaust by installments? And what about the daily demolition of family homes, confiscation of land, and destruction of tens of thousands of olive trees and livelihoods?  Denial of our right to return is most painful for us, and Palestinians in Jerusalem continue to experience it through the daily withdrawal of their right to permanent residence there—eight thousand last year. Can you possibly imagine those experiences with any kind of empathy Mr. Weisel? Can you take a moment to see beyond your Jewishness to share some humanity with the Palestinians?

But how naive of me to even ask.  I should have remembered that there were no Palestinians in Dawn, only the British “occupiers.” You do not recognize my humanity as a Palestinian because Palestinians never existed for you except as a threat to your exclusive brand of Judaism.  It seems that for you, we do not exist as fathers and mothers, or as children of so many families annihilated by Israeli bombs in Gaza. We are sub-humans who do not love our children but cynically use them as “human shields,” according to your paid advertisement in the Guardian. 

We cannot be human for you because, then, we would be insurmountable obstacles to the Jewish Zionism of your state, to the deep tribalism of your being, and to the consummate and self-consuming Jewish victimhood that justifies heinous and inhuman acts.

Gad trains the young Joshua to forego his humanity and execute that hapless British soldier. He hammers into his head your words: “we must be like everybody else.”  Well congratulations, Mr. Wiesel. You are like everybody else who, in my view, is on the wrong side of the moral compass. Fortunately, there are growing alternative Jewish voices to yours with whom I’m proud to stand in defense of our common humanity.

Fateh Azzam

15 September 2014

Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412